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Basically,
many informed
observers seem to think that
Dr Mahathir decided Anwar could
no longer be trusted
to protect Dr Mahathir's
interests anymore, especially
after Dr Mahathir is no longer
PM. the transcript |
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| Why
do you say that? |
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Dr
Mahathir was certainly not too
pleased with various things
Anwar did from mid-1997. When
Dr Mahathir went away for two
months, Anwar gave the impression
that he was going to be tougher
on corruption. Then after Dr
Mahathir took over economic
policy after his return, the
foreign media began mocking
his conspiratorial analysis,
generally running him down and
promoting the idea of an early
Anwar succession. From the end
of the year, Anwar seemed to
take over economic policy, cutting
government spending, raising
interest rates and tightening
liquidity, which arguably exacerbated
the crisis and took the economy
into recession in 1998, especially
after the Kongsi Raya holiday
reprieve.
But I think the straw which
broke the camel's back
came around late May or in June,
with developments in Indonesia
and the subsequent adoption
of the reformasi slogan and
the anti-KKN (corruption, cronyism,
nepotism) campaign by the UMNO
Youth leadership then, who were
close to Anwar. I don't
think Dr Mahathir minded attacking
korupsi and kronisme, but nepotisme
came too close to the bone.
Several months earlier, PRM
president Dr Syed Husin Ali
and a couple of associates had
asked the Anti-Corruption Agency
(ACA) to investigate how Dr
Mahathir's three sons
had gained stock in over two
hundred companies by late 1994.
Soeharto's resignation
on 21 May and the continued
attacks on the ex-president
who had only recently joined
the ranks of Forbes magazine's
richest men in the world - after
the Sultan of Brunei and Bill
Gates – must have upset
Dr Mahathir even though there
are important differences between
the two. |
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| But
the charges against Anwar were
raised earlier at the 1997 UMNO
general assembly? |
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I
am not sure; many believe that
some of Anwar's enemies
had hatched up the ‘plot'
to finish off Anwar politically
before that, but Dr Mahathir
still felt Anwar was the Prime
Minister's least problematic
option then, and was not yet
willing to go along with them
at that point. |
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| So
you agree with those in Dr Mahathir's
camp that Anwar was going for
number one? |
| Perhaps.
I don't know, but if Anwar's
camp was making a bid, it was
naïve, ill-considered and
bound to fail. As I said earlier,
Dr Mahathir is not Soeharto.
He will go with his boots on.
I don't believe that he
was about to quit, to give way
to Anwar. Besides wanting to
cling on to power for all the
usual reasons, I think Dr Mahathir
honestly believes that he is
the best thing Malaysia has
ever had and could hope for,
and many would agree with him.
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| If
Anwar was not going for number
one, what was happening? |
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There
were Anwar's critical
Johor speech, the unevenly attended
Pemuda economic convention a
couple of weeks before the late
June general assembly and Zahid's
speech at the UMNO Youth assembly
itself. Anwar's assembly
speech did not criticise Mahathir
at all, and in fact announced
a U-turn from his December 1997
economic policy, by increasing
government spending and liquidity
and trying to lower interest
rates, almost as if in response
to Daim's and Dr Mahathir's
earlier criticisms.
Others Anwar had consulted had
voiced similar concerns as well.
Maybe he was keeping his cards
very close to his chest, but
Anwar did not respond positively,
for example, to those who called
for him to ‘lead us out
of this darkness' and
even went out of his way to
explain Mahathir's concerns.
There is little evidence of
any serious effort by Anwar's
camp to mobilise forces and
resources to actually try to
oust Dr Mahathir. Pointed criticism
of nepotism, yes, but a effective
plan or strategy to oust Mahathir,
unlikely. And if there was one,
it was terribly amateurish and
bound to fail. But whatever
it was, it was enough to convince
Dr Mahathir that Anwar was out
to replace him. |
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| How
did Dr Mahathir respond? |
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Dr
Mahathir was very cool. I saw
him smiling proudly at the St
Petersburg Orchestra's
concert at the Petronas Philharmonic
Concert Hall the night before
he delivered his devastating
rounding-up speech and released
the partial lists of tender,
contract and privatisation beneficiaries
from the Economic Planning Unit
(EPU) and the Ministry of International
Trade and Industry (MITI), all
of which reflected sound preparation.
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| And
then? |
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Although
it was later evident that a
purge of Anwar's camp
had begun, beginning with the
media, I thought that Dr Mahathir
had Anwar exactly where Dr Mahathir
wanted Anwar - weakened, compliant
and constrained from mounting
an effective challenge. I wrongly
thought Dr Mahathir would prefer
the safety of such an arrangement
rather than risk an Anwar challenge
by sacking him or forcing him
to resign. |
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