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Basically,
many informed
observers seem
to think that
Dr Mahathir
decided Anwar
could no
longer be trusted
to protect Dr
Mahathir's
interests
anymore,
especially
after Dr
Mahathir is no
longer PM. the
transcript
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| Why
do you say
that? |
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Dr
Mahathir was
certainly not
too pleased
with various
things Anwar
did from
mid-1997. When
Dr Mahathir
went away for
two months,
Anwar gave the
impression
that he was
going to be
tougher on
corruption.
Then after Dr
Mahathir took
over economic
policy after
his return,
the foreign
media began
mocking his
conspiratorial
analysis,
generally
running him
down and
promoting the
idea of an
early Anwar
succession.
From the end
of the year,
Anwar seemed
to take over
economic
policy,
cutting
government
spending,
raising
interest rates
and tightening
liquidity,
which arguably
exacerbated
the crisis and
took the
economy into
recession in
1998,
especially
after the
Kongsi Raya
holiday
reprieve.
But I think
the straw
which broke
the camel's
back came
around late
May or in
June, with
developments
in Indonesia
and the
subsequent
adoption of
the reformasi
slogan and the
anti-KKN
(corruption,
cronyism,
nepotism)
campaign by
the UMNO Youth
leadership
then, who were
close to
Anwar. I don't
think Dr
Mahathir
minded
attacking
korupsi and
kronisme, but
nepotisme came
too close to
the bone.
Several months
earlier, PRM
president Dr
Syed Husin Ali
and a couple
of associates
had asked the
Anti-Corruption
Agency (ACA)
to investigate
how Dr
Mahathir's
three sons had
gained stock
in over two
hundred
companies by
late 1994.
Soeharto's
resignation on
21 May and the
continued
attacks on the
ex-president
who had only
recently
joined the
ranks of
Forbes
magazine's
richest men in
the world -
after the
Sultan of
Brunei and
Bill Gates –
must have
upset Dr
Mahathir even
though there
are important
differences
between the
two.
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| But
the charges
against Anwar
were raised
earlier at the
1997 UMNO
general
assembly? |
|
I
am not sure;
many believe
that some of
Anwar's
enemies had
hatched up the
‘plot' to
finish off
Anwar
politically
before that,
but Dr
Mahathir still
felt Anwar was
the Prime
Minister's
least
problematic
option then,
and was not
yet willing to
go along with
them at that
point.
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| So
you agree with
those in Dr
Mahathir's
camp that
Anwar was
going for
number one? |
| Perhaps.
I don't know,
but if Anwar's
camp was
making a bid,
it was
naïve,
ill-considered
and bound to
fail. As I
said earlier,
Dr Mahathir is
not Soeharto.
He will go
with his boots
on. I don't
believe that
he was about
to quit, to
give way to
Anwar. Besides
wanting to
cling on to
power for all
the usual
reasons, I
think Dr
Mahathir
honestly
believes that
he is the best
thing Malaysia
has ever had
and could hope
for, and many
would agree
with him. |
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| If
Anwar was not
going for
number one,
what was
happening? |
|
There
were Anwar's
critical Johor
speech, the
unevenly
attended
Pemuda
economic
convention a
couple of
weeks before
the late June
general
assembly and
Zahid's speech
at the UMNO
Youth assembly
itself.
Anwar's
assembly
speech did not
criticise
Mahathir at
all, and in
fact announced
a U-turn from
his December
1997 economic
policy, by
increasing
government
spending and
liquidity and
trying to
lower interest
rates, almost
as if in
response to
Daim's and Dr
Mahathir's
earlier
criticisms.
Others Anwar
had consulted
had voiced
similar
concerns as
well. Maybe he
was keeping
his cards very
close to his
chest, but
Anwar did not
respond
positively,
for example,
to those who
called for him
to ‘lead us
out of this
darkness' and
even went out
of his way to
explain
Mahathir's
concerns.
There is
little
evidence of
any serious
effort by
Anwar's camp
to mobilise
forces and
resources to
actually try
to oust Dr
Mahathir.
Pointed
criticism of
nepotism, yes,
but a
effective plan
or strategy to
oust Mahathir,
unlikely. And
if there was
one, it was
terribly
amateurish and
bound to fail.
But whatever
it was, it was
enough to
convince Dr
Mahathir that
Anwar was out
to replace
him.
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| How
did Dr
Mahathir
respond? |
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Dr
Mahathir was
very cool. I
saw him
smiling
proudly at the
St Petersburg
Orchestra's
concert at the
Petronas
Philharmonic
Concert Hall
the night
before he
delivered his
devastating
rounding-up
speech and
released the
partial lists
of tender,
contract and
privatisation
beneficiaries
from the
Economic
Planning Unit
(EPU) and the
Ministry of
International
Trade and
Industry
(MITI), all of
which
reflected
sound
preparation.
|
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| And
then? |
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Although
it was later
evident that a
purge of
Anwar's camp
had begun,
beginning with
the media, I
thought that
Dr Mahathir
had Anwar
exactly where
Dr Mahathir
wanted Anwar -
weakened,
compliant and
constrained
from mounting
an effective
challenge. I
wrongly
thought Dr
Mahathir would
prefer the
safety of such
an arrangement
rather than
risk an Anwar
challenge by
sacking him or
forcing him to
resign.
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